Direct link: https://goo.gl/I7TL8Q

Moore-Cantwell, Claire and Joe Pater (2016).  Gradient Exceptionality in Maximum Entropy Grammar with Lexically Specific Constraints. To appear in Bonet, Eulàlia & Francesc Torres-Tamarit (eds.), Catalan Journal of Linguistics 15.

Comments welcome!

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1520_bakovic_1.pdf

A bootstrap-based reanalysis of Zamma (2013)
Shigeto Kawahara
March 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002926

In his recent book “Patterns and Categories in English Suffixation and Stress Placement: A Theoretical and Quantitative Study,” Zamma (2013) identified four classes of English suffixes in terms of the (i) root attachment behaviors and (ii) stress patterns, instead of the more traditional “Class 1 vs. Class 2” distinction (Siegel, 1974). He showed that these four types of suffixes are not evenly distributed in the English lexicon, and their distributions are affected by whether the suffixes are light or heavy. He went on to argue that with the theory of unranked constraints developed by Anttila (2002), we can predict these distributions. This short paper offers a statistical reassessment of this claim using a bootstrap resampling method.

Morphologically-conditioned tonotactics in multilevel Maximum Entropy grammar
Stephanie Shih, Sharon Inkelas
March 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002932

This paper presents a novel approach to probabilistic morphologically-conditioned tonotactics, featuring a case study of Mende, in which tonotactics vary by lexical category. This variation in surface tone patterns is modeled via indexed weight adjustments (i.e., varying slopes) for each constraint in a Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar, quantifying the degree to which each lexical class follows basic tonotactic principles in a common base grammar. Approaching morphologically-conditioned phonotactics as indexed weight adjustments of a base grammar offers a solution to the existing stalemate between single grammar (e.g., indexed constraints) and multiple grammar (e.g., Stratal OT; cophonologies) models of lexically-sensitive phonological patterns.

Phonological opacity in Japanese
Shigeto Kawahara
April 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002934

Phonological opacity involves a generalization that cannot be stated solely by reference to surface structures. The classic, non-derivational version of Optimality Theory does not predict the existence of phonological opacity, as it is surface-oriented. As one possible response to this problem, a thesis has been advanced to the effect that opacity may not exist as a productive synchronic process. Regardless of whether this strong statement is true of human languages or not, it seems clear that the empirical status of phonological opacity needs to reexamined. In this theoretical context, this paper (i) offers a catalogue of cases of phonological opacity found in Japanese and (ii) provides information about how likely each case is to be treated as a productive pattern in the synchronic phonology of Japanese. This paper generally does not attempt to argue for a definitive answer for each case, but instead provides information that can be used to argue for or against its productivity, so that each researcher can evaluate the likelihood of the synchronic reality of each opaque pattern. Nevertheless, the overall emerging conclusion is that there are no cases of opacity in Japanese, which can be considered to be productive and psychologically real without a doubt. [This version supersedes lingbuzz/002239.]

The orthographic characterization of rendaku and Lyman’s Law
Shigeto Kawahara
April 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002935)

Rendaku is a process in Japanese by which the first consonant of a second member of a compound becomes voiced (e.g., /oo/ + /tako/ ? /oo+dako/ ‘big octopus’). Lyman’s Law blocks rendaku when the second member already contains a voiced obstruent (/oo/ + /tokage/ ? */oo+dokage/, /oo+tokage/ ‘big lizard’). Lyman’s Law, as a constraint which prohibits a morpheme with two voiced obstruents, is also known to trigger devoicing of geminates in loanwords (e.g. /beddo/ ? /betto/ ‘bed’). Rendaku and Lyman’s Law have been very well studied in the past phonological literature. Inspired by recent work that shows the interplay between orthographic factors and grammatical factors in shaping our phonological behaviors, this paper proposes a rather radical alternative interpretation of rendaku and Lyman’s Law. Concretely, I argue that they operate over Japanese orthography. Rendaku is a process to assign dakuten diacritics, and Lyman’s Law prohibits morphemes with two diacritics. The paper shows that various properties of rendaku and Lyman’s Law follow from this proposal.

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1519_alderete_1.pdf

E-mail from Johan Rooryck

We are pleased to announce the publication of our first four articles and editorial in Glossa. Please spread the word!

• Rooryck, Johan. 2016. Introducing Glossa. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 1. 1–3, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.91
• Welch, Nicholas. 2016. Propping up predicates: Adjectival predication in T??ch? Yat?ì. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 2. 1–23, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.7
• Kempen, Gerard and Karin Harbusch. 2016. Verb-second word order after German weil ‘because’: Psycholinguistic theory from corpus-linguistic data. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 3. 1–32, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.46
• Ahn, Byron. 2016. Syntax-phonology mapping and the Tongan DP. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 4. 1–36, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.39
• Dunbar, Ewan and Alexis Wellwood. 2016. Addressing the “two interface” problem: Comparatives and superlatives. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 5. 1–29, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.9

All best wishes, and thanks for your continued support,

For the editors,

Johan Rooryck
Editor in Chief