Knowledge as a Public Good

I’m reading Stiglitz’s essay called “Knowledge as a Global Public Good”. Here, he describes knowledge as having the characteristics of a public good in being both nonrival and nonexcludable. Using as example, he describes that by teaching a student a certain theorem or idea, that this does not bar others from use of the concept, nor does it cost anyone else for one additional person to know this concept. There is however the caveat that the transmission of knoweldge- but not knowledge in and of itself- does have a cost, and that some forms of knowledge can be made excludable via these costs as well as through patents and trade secrets.

The neoclassical problem with public goods is that due to their zero marginal cost, markets will under-provide these goods or not provide them at all, therefore collective provision (by the state, etc.) is the efficient solution to this public goods problem. Stiglitz explains though that knowledge is in fact an impure public good, with the benefits of knowledge able to be appropriate to benefit some more than others and often having a cost of transmission (i.e. the cost of providing education). Stiglitz though argues that knowledge is in fact a global public good. Some public goods have limited geographic benefits; these are called local public goods. But a global public good is one in which it is possible to have the benefits accrue to all people in society and around the world, and has no geographic boundaries. As Stiglitz notes, a theorem in one country is still just as useful in another.

The argument then is that if knowledge is in fact a global public good, then the state must play some role in its provision otherwise knowledge will be under-supplied. But, there are two contending public policy decision at hand. One is to create policy that allows the benefits of knowledge to be privately appropriated so that there is a market incentive to provision knowledge- this includes patents, trade secrets, and other means of making knowledge proprietary. Stiglitz suggests that patents with very limited duration could give enough incentive to invest, but also limit the ability for holders of patents to unfairly raise prices or lose incentive for further innovation.

The other route however is for the state to invest in knowledge universally, through public educational and research institutions and direct investment:

The second strategy for dealing with the appropriability problem entails direct government support .If government could costlessly raise revenues for financing the support and if government were effective in discriminating between good and bad research projects,clearly this strategy would dominate that of enhancing intellectual property rights,for the latter strategy entails static distortions (the monopoly prices associated with patent rights result in prices exceeding marginal costs) and the inefficient utilization of knowledge. The static distortions can be thought of as a tax used to finance the research and development;the tax,however,is not an optimal tax. But the patent system provides an effective self-selection mechanism:those who are convince that they have a good idea invest their own money and the money of those whom they can persuade of the attractiveness of their idea. Such selection mechanisms may not only be more effective than, say, government bureaucrats attempting to assess various applications,but the costs of mistakes are borne by those making the misjudgement, not by the public at large.Thus the system provides strong incentives for individuals to engage in due diligence when assessing the merits of alternative research proposals. (312-13)
So the argument here is that the patent system self-selects successfully knowledge production such that the costs or risks of unsuccessful research are dealt with efficiently.
I think here there are many questions to be raised about Sitglitz’s conclusion: what about the context of capitalism and intellectual property’s role in exploitation? Why is there an assumption that the state could not necessarily select for fruitful knowledge and research investments? What about the role of educational research institutions? And so on.
The interesting part of this essay, to me, is using the neoclassical framework to think about knowledge (and education) as types of goods. Stiglitz here argues that knowledge- in the abstract- is and should be treated as a global public good. But what about education more concretely, which as he describes, has added costs of transmission?
K-12 education in the United States is generally provisioned collectively by the state and funded via local and state taxes (mainly property taxes). This makes K-12 education, more or less, a (local) public good. It’s (mostly) free and accessible. Non-rival in that generally one student enrolled doesn’t deplete the schooling that is available to all; non-excludable in that one student being enrolled in school doesn’t prevent another from being enrolled (although issues of tax revolts, classroom size, vouchers, and charter schools complicate this analysis).
Higher education on the other hand is arguably not treated in policy as a public good, despite having benefits that are enjoyed collectively. I would argue that higher education falls into the category of a club good: it is artificially scarce and therefore non-rival (unless reaching full capacity) but intentionally excludable.
Why is higher education artificially scarce? The artificial scarcity of higher education is an intentional policy decision as well as the result of class and group conflict. The United States has a mixed market for higher education- with both elite and non-elite private institutes, for-profit institutions, and public institutions ranging from community college to top research institutions. By design, these institutions have limited seats, and for many, high cost that bars access. Admissions standards, merit aid, test scores, and measures are used as a “meritocratic” way of barring access and having selective admissions (with the exception of community colleges with open enrolled, though costs, geographic accessibility, and other facts may still create barriers to access).
At public institutions, limited capacity is driven by public policy decisions- the levels of state appropriations for institutions as well as other forms of financial aid. At private institutions, their funding depends on a willingness to pay by students and families, levels of philanthropic donations and endowment earnings, as well as the availability of state and federal financial aid for admitted students. At elite institutions, selective admissions can be a means of maintaining status and the appeal to philanthropic funders. At less elite private institutions, admissions may be calculated based on the scope of funding available and the willingness of families and students to bear a financial burden (for example, to take on student debt).
Is this the most efficient way of provisioning higher education? Is it the most egalitarian? In what ways do these characteristics of higher education contribute to or create inequality? How does class and group conflict (and competition) drive these dynamics?

Dissertation blogging – Do private colleges crowd out state investment in public higher ed?

I’m working on writing a draft of my dissertation prospectus, which will likely include an essay about whether or not private colleges and universities crowd out state support for public higher education. The idea comes from findings published by Claudia Goldin and Lawrence Katz in their paper “The Shaping of Higher Education: The Formative Years in the United States, 1890 to 1940”, where they show that states having long-established private colleges and universities- mainly in New England and the east coast- tended to have much lower investment in public higher education during this period of expansion. So states like Massachusetts- home to Harvard, Amherst, and other early established institutions- invested much less in building a large public sector since these higher education resources were already developed (though private).

In my essay, I’m curious about whether or not this pattern still persists and that perhaps it goes beyond just the early date of established of private institutions.

In a forthcoming research report done for the Massachusetts Society of Professors along with PHENOM (Public Higher Education Network of Massachusetts), I noticed that Massachusetts still had a particularly thriving private sector (though with somewhat alarming student debt levels) and relatively mediocre support for public institutions. Even with just this vague pattern emerging, it seems like the crowding out dynamic might still play a role in determining state investment in higher education.

Thinking about it further, it makes sense that within state public finance, a distributional conflict could emerge between public and private institutions over the public resources dedicated to higher education. Private institutions are in favor of keeping their tax-exempt non-profit status, increasing state funded grant aid, and receiving other grants and subsidies from the state. Public institutions are concerned with resisting budget cuts and moreover increasing direct state appropriations to fund public colleges and universities. With a fixed pot, and trends towards austerity, a conflict (in the economic sense) inevitably emerges.

Gathering some preliminary data from Grapevine and the NCES’s 2013 Digest of Educational Statistics, I decided to make a scatter plot of the concentration of private sector enrollment (enrollment at private non-profit four-year institutions/enrollment at private and public four-year institutions, excluding for-profits) and state fiscal support for higher education in per capita terms (constant dollars).

scatter

At looks like, in at least 2013, there’s some relationship between the concentration of private institutions and relatively low expenditures on higher education at the state level. I think the relationship might look even more interesting though over a longer time horizon, and accounting for other state level differences.