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Alan Bale & Charles Reiss—Phonology: A formal introduction

https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/phonology

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The colon as a separate prosodic category: Tonal evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia)
Florian Lionnet
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004265
October 2018
Most recent work in metrical theory rejects the colon (?) —a constituent intermediate between the foot and the prosodic word and made of two feet: ?????(??)Ft(??)Ft ?{(??)Ft(??)Ft}?— as a separate category in the Prosodic Hierarchy (PH: ????Ft???PrWd), arguing that it is unnecessary and too costly (e.g. Ellenbaas and Kager 1999; Hyde 2002; Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015, 2016, a.o.). I analyze an unusual downstep pattern in Paicî (Oceanic) and show that the most satisfying account of this pattern involves reference to the colon. Paicî is a two-tone language (H vs. L), where L-toned words of 4+ morae undergo register lowering after the second mora (/????????/ ? [????!????]). This downstep does not occur with shorter words. I show that the two initial morae of 4?+ words are parsed into a bimoraic foot. Crucially, no foot is parsed in 2? or 3? words. I argue that foot-parsing can only occur if it creates feet that are licensed by a colon (hence the need for at least 4?), making the Paicî downstep pattern the first piece of tonal evidence in favor of the colon.

Gurindji nasal cluster dissimilation as trigger deletion
Juliet Stanton
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004263
October 2018
Processes of unbounded spreading are often claimed to be myopic (e.g. Wilson 2003; McCarthy 2009): the ability of some feature [F] to spread from some segment z to some segment y does not depend on its ability to spread from y to x. Recent work (e.g. Walker 2010, 2014; Jardine 2016) has however cast doubt on the universality of this claim. This paper contributes to the discussion on (non-)myopia on by suggesting that a kind of non-myopic process, trigger deletion, is attested in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, McConvell 1988): when the spreading domain contains a certain kind of blocking segment, the spreading trigger deletes. In order to capture this pattern, as well as the extant typology of non-myopic processes, I argue that any successful analysis of unbounded spreading must allow surface candidates to be globally evaluated.

Verb Movement in Narrow Syntax
Mayumi Hosono
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004262
October 2018
I argue that verb movement should be derived in narrow syntax. The derivational system of Labeling Algorithm proposed by Chomsky (2013, 2015) allows movement to occur in narrow syntax without recourse to any movement-triggering features, contra Chomsky (2001, 2004, 2008). In this system, (both external and internal) Merge is free, even if a new semantic effect does not occur on a raised category in its raised position, contra Chomsky (2001). Thus, verb movement, which does not change a semantic interpretation in the unmarked case, should be able to occur in narrow syntax without recourse to any driving features. As we see in the Icelandic data, it is actually difficult to claim that verb movement occurs in phonology, contra Chomsky (2001). I propose a way to carry out verb movement in narrow syntax in terms of feature inheritance and copy deletion. In the Romance languages as well as languages such as English, both ?-features and tense are inherited by T, to which R(=V)+v* moves, whereas in the V2 languages, only ?-features are inherited by T with tense remaining in C, to which R+v* directly moves. In all of those languages, it is a matter of morphophonology which copy of a verbal head, the one in a higher position or the one in the v* head position, is chosen to be pronounced. I also claim that do is inserted in English to phonetically embody features such as [Q], [Foc(us)] and [Pol(arity)]. The feature that the inserted do embodies is adjacent to tense and ?-features in each of the relevant constructions, which accounts for why the inserted do carries tense and agreement as pointed out by the traditional literature.

Constraints on Movement
Mayumi Hosono
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004261
June 2018
I argue, contra Chomsky (2013, 2015), that internal merge may not be free. It is shown that the Criterial Position (Rizzi 2006, 2010, 2015) is the position in which a raised category completes the valuation of all of its own unvalued features. The Halting Problem, the Extended Projection Principle, and the Empty Category Principle (as well as the disappearance of that effect) are all fully accounted for in terms of feature valuation. This unified account derives from the corollary of the derivational system of Labeling Algorithm (Chomsky 2013, 2015), in which labeling results from feature valuation. In Scandinavian Object Shift and Icelandic Stylistic Fronting, a category that does not have unvalued features can move from/into the Criterial Position (Hosono 2016). Following Chomsky (2013, 2015), who claims that (both external and internal) merge is free, movement from/into the Criterial Position would be allowed to occur with its legitimacy determined by filtering at the interfaces. If such movement is considered to occur exceptionally in narrow syntax, constraints on movement should exist. The argument that far more constraints on movement are imposed by phonology than have been considered so far (Hosono 2016, Richards 2016) indicates not only that internal merge may not be free, but also that narrow syntax will be crash-proof (Frampton and Gutmann 2002): the derivational mechanism will produce only well-formed structures that conform to the requirement by phonology, with no filters assumed.

Morphology before phonology: A case study of Turoyo (Neo-Aramaic)
Laura Kalin
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004258
October 2018
Some models of the morphology-phonology interface take morphology and phonology to be computed in the same component of the grammar, simultaneously, e.g., “P»M” instantiations of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993a,b, Kager 1996, i.a.). Other models, e.g., Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994), separate morphology from phonology, with operations that involve morphology preceding those that involve only phonology. I undertake a study of the order of operations needed to derive the form of finite verbs in the Neo-Aramaic language Turoyo (Jastrow 1993). Turoyo furnishes several arguments in favor of a separation of morphology from phonology, including phonologically-conditioned allomorphy that is anti-optimizing and surface opaque (reaffirming the robust earlier findings of Paster 2006) and infixation that in its surface position is invisible to allomorphy, but visible to phonological processes. More specifically, what Turoyo shows is that exponent choice fully precedes, and is oblivious to, phonological considerations.

The morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon
Adam Singerman
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004253
July 2018
This dissertation provides the most extensive description and analysis yet available for Tuparí, an endangered Tupían language spoken by approximately 350 people in the Brazilian state of Rondônia. Previous work on Tuparí discussed basic phonology and morphology only (Caspar and Rodrigues 1957, Seki 2001, Alves 2004); this dissertation, in contrast, addresses a wide range of grammatical questions with a special focus on the syntactic organization of the Tuparí clause. All the data presented and analyzed here were collected by the author over the course of over eight months of on-site field research in Rondônia. Following the best practices of documentary linguistics, I prioritize naturally-occurring data over elicited examples throughout the dissertation. Much use is made of the texts included in a 2016 literacy workbook edited by myself in collaboration with several indigenous schoolteachers, as well as from a separate text collection now in progress.